2008-2009 - Tibet al bivio
Tibet al bivio
Seguono, in ordine cronologico, gli eventi relativi a un possibile cambiamento di rotta nelle politiche - interne ed esterne - che riguardano il futuro del Tibet.
Nella forbice tra Autonomia e Indipendenza, dove si giocano vite umane, etica, partecipazione, impegno, lotte politiche e personali, sembra essersi acceso un nuovo spento il fuoco mediatico dei Giochi Olimpici. E l'attenzione del mondo è, ancora una volta, centrata sul destino di questo paese e dei suoi abitanti.
A partire dalla scelta del Dalai Lama - subito dopo l'ennesimo fallimento dei colloqui con il Governo di Pechino - di voler rimettere al popolo la definizione sulle nuove azioni da intraprendere e sulle nuove vie per risolvere la questione del Tibet.
Bruxelles, 31 marzo 2009 - Audizione dell'inviato del dalai lama Kelsang Gyaltsen al parlamento Europeo
Audio dell'intervento con traduzione:
ttp://www.radioradicale.it/scheda/276172/audizione-dellinviato-del-dalai-lama-kelsang-gyaltsen-al-parlamento-europeo
Testo in Inglese dell'intervento
The Tibetans recently took a major decision in their 60-year freedom struggle by re-adopting Independence as the alternate goal of the freedom struggle. The decision taken at the "Special Meeting" called by the Dalai Lama himself in Dharamsala the capital of the exiled Tibetans situated in the North Indian state of Himachal Pradesh was a historic one though its nuanced importance is little understood outside.
I was one among the minority participants both by being a youth and my political stand - demanding independence as opposed to the majority who keep independence in their heart but speak for autonomy as professed by His Holiness the Dalai Lama. The 560 delegates from refugee camps all over India and 19 other countries along with more than 17,000 opinions from inside Tibet made this the biggest-ever Tibetan conclave to discuss the future of Tibet.
This year's Tibetan people's uprising and the violent clamp down by the Chinese government, and the failure of the dialogue process for the much hoped for "Genuine Autonomy" made the Tibetan leader call this gathering using his power as the head of state according to article 59 of the charter of the Tibetan government in exile.
The agenda before the meeting held between November 17 and 22 was to discuss "The Tibetan cause in the light of recent urgent crisis in Tibet and the international scenario.” It expectedly boiled down to the usual debate between Rangzen (Independence) and Umey Lam (Middle Path). And, as was expected, while reason was on the side of Rangzen, the majority was with the Middle Path. The Dalai Lama asked the Tibetans to discuss with open mind. This debate can be compared to the debate between the proponents of "Poorna Swaraj" and those who were satisfied with "Home Rule" during the Indian freedom struggle. As the date of the meeting drew nearer the Dalai Lama added more to the confusion by saying that he was losing trust in the Chinese government, though he still trusted the Chinese people.
The meeting was going to be a true test of Tibetan democracy, the only baby the Dalai Lama has been nurturing since 1960 after coming into exile. Would the Tibetan people go with their leader or vote for a solution with their own mind? Seeing a dead end I went to the Speaker of the Tibetan Parliament in Exile and the Prime Minister. I went to the private office of His Holiness also, to seek clarification of his stand, otherwise the meeting would end up giving another round of applause to His Holiness, and everything would go back to square one; His Holiness asking people to make the decision and the people placing the responsibility back on His Holiness.
As delegates started arriving in Dharamsala from different places, it was like a family gathering; my former teachers from school, classmates and familiar faces drove up the hill in jeeps, buses and some even arrived by air. More than the delegates, there were around representatives of 120 international media who kept themselves busy catching every other Tibetan in the twin streets of Mcleod Ganj for their opinions.
The 560 delegates were distributed into 15 groups after the first day's inaugural ceremony. When we talked and listened to opinions that had been collected from refugee camps most of which are in India, I realized that their opinions had been collected before 25 October, when His Holiness made the first public statement saying that his trust in the Chinese government was becoming thinner and thinner. Since October 25 many political changes had taken place: not only the statements of His Holiness but the eighth round of talks with the Chinese government had failed; even before the delegates said anything in Dharamsala, the Chinese government declared at a press conference in Beijing their rejection of our memorandum for autonomy. This led to a battle in the media with the delegates proclaiming that Beijing must own up the responsibility for the failure of the talks.
After three days of discussion, when our group met on the fourth day to compile our resolutions, our group leader, a celebrated academician based in the US, called for a referendum. I put my foot down and strongly argued that we had not come here to compete on our political stands, but to collect opinions and seek practical recommendations with which the Tibetan struggle could move forward. Then one Middle Pather quoted the guidelines of the meeting requiring every resolution be passed either by unanimous judgment or vote by majority. Now the problem with democracy is that the minority is less than equal, and therefore has nowhere to go. A young girl from Switzerland said if the people were to decide by voting she would refuse to sign the resolution.
We may be talking methods of finding solutions but it was still a debate between Independence and Autonomy. I intervened to remind everybody that both the Prime Minister and the Speaker had said at the time of calling the meeting that there would be no voting or raising of hands to arrive at decision and added that the meeting could not go on like this if they insisted on a referendum, and the purpose for which the meeting had been convened would be defeated.
A serious crisis was at hand. During the tea break I went looking for the Prime Minister and the Speaker. Later we all agreed to send all the recommendations except the facile ones like making a golden throne for the Dalai Lama. When we came out I found out that most independence advocates had done the same trick and the Middle Pathers had allowed it.
When all opinions got collected, and the group leaders met to work out a final resolution, the true test of Tibetan democracy was at hand. The Dalai Lama had expressed distrust in the Chinese government but had not withdrawn his Middle Path policy. Therefore, the choice was still between the Dalai Lama's Middle Path or Independence.
Then, exile government circulated the result of opinions secretly collected inside Tibet. Out of 17,393 people, 8,246 said they would follow whatever His Holiness says, while 5,209 voted for Independence, and 2,950 supported the Middle Path.
The Meeting resolved to follow the Middle Path as a public mandate but decided to suspend with immediate effect, sending delegations to China, as Beijing did not reciprocate appropriately to the dialogue process. If, in the short period they continued their policy of not responding to our efforts to find a negotiated solution, we would reinstate Independence as the goal of the Tibetan struggle and demand the right of Self Determination. And it would be us who would what "short period" would be.
The eight-point resolution received five standing ovations and brought tears in the eyes of many delegates as we rose to sing the Tibetan National Anthem, we felt once again reunited for one common cause under one leadership. Whatever we spoke for was all for the freedom of Tibet and our main concern was for our brethren inside Tibet who are living under Chinese occupation. The exile government and the people will now be more active in our non-violent struggle and stop being conciliatory. We will now be more confrontational and aggressive, but we are unanimous in our resolve in maintaining our struggle non-violent.
As the meeting came to an end the Prime Minister Prof Samdhong Rinpoche delivering a unique thank you speech said: "The Chinese government this week tried to put pressure on India to stop this meeting, and the Indian government pretended as if they didn't hear it. We want to express our deep gratitude to the people and Government of India".
Tenzin Tsundue is Tibetan writer and activist. He can be contacted at tentsundue@yahoo. com
Tra il ridicolo e la vergogna ... (m.b.)
Pechino, 25 dicembre 20058 - scaricavano dal web canzoni "reazionarie": 59 arrestati dai cinesi
Il Giornale.it
Gurgaon (Delhi), 01 dicembre 2008 - Conlcuso il Meeting Internazionale del Tibet Support Group
Marilia Bellaterra e Associazione italia Tibet
È terminato oggi il raduno straordinario dei gruppi di sostegno al Tibet convocati su invito del Dalai Lama per discutere sugli esiti della recente assemblea generale dei tibetani in esilio, svoltasi a Dharamsala dal 16 al 22 novembre, e per esprimere le loro strategie e punti di vista. Il meeting, organizzato nel complesso di Gurgaon, nelle vicinanze di New Delhi, dal coordinamento dei Tibet Support Group indiani, si è svolto dal 29 novembre al 1° dicembre 2008 e ha visto la partecipazione di oltre cento delegati in rappresentanza di trenta paesi. L’Associazione Italia-Tibet era rappresentata dal consigliere Marilia Bellaterra.
All’apertura dei lavori, iniziati con un minuto di silenzio in memoria dei caduti in Tibet e delle vittime del recente attacco terroristico a Mumbai, erano presenti il Primo Ministro tibetano Samdhong Rinpoche e il Presidente del Parlamento tibetano in esilio Karma Chopel. Il Dalai Lama, in un suo messaggio, ha esortato i sostenitori della causa tibetana a “fornire alla leadership eletta suggerimenti sui passi da intraprendere per la realizzazione delle aspirazioni fondamentali del popolo tibetano”.
Clicca qui per il Programma dettagliato del Meeting
Viene anche distribuito a tutti i partecipanti il testo completo del "Memorandum on genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People" (clicca qui per la traduzione in italiano: Memorandum sulla effettiva Autonomia per il Popolo TIbetano”, tratto dal sito: http://servizi.radicalparty.org/documents/index.php?func=detail&par=3847), la sua “sintesi”, oltre alla Raccomandazioni del First Special General Meeting Convened Under Article 59 of the Charter.
I delegati hanno espresso il loro rammarico per la linea dura adottata dal governo cinese nei confronti del Dalai Lama e per l’assenza di qualsiasi progresso nei colloqui con i rappresentanti di Pechino. Nel corso di un acceso e intenso dibattito, molti partecipanti si sono espressi a favore dell’abbandono della politica della Via di Mezzo nel caso in cui, in tempi brevi, la situazione non migliori in modo rilevante e la Cina non dimostri di impegnarsi in modo sincero nel processo di dialogo.
I delegati hanno riaffermato la propria determinazione a dare la massima priorità alla volontà e alle esigenze dei tibetani all’interno del Tibet. Hanno espresso la più sentita ammirazione per il coraggio con il quale, dallo scorso mese di marzo, i tibetani hanno portato avanti la loro pacifica lotta di resistenza. I partecipanti al meeting si sono inoltre detti profondamente preoccupati per le continue sofferenze del popolo del Tibet, di fatto sotto la legge marziale, e hanno manifestato la propria solidarietà ai prigionieri politici, alle loro famiglie e alle centinaia di scomparsi.
Il meeting ha particolarmente apprezzato la recente assemblea dei tibetani in esilio, forum democratico di discussione e confronto, e ha auspicato il ripetersi di incontri di questo tipo allo scopo di rafforzare le istituzioni tibetane e dare voce alla società civile in esilio.
I gruppi di sostegno al Tibet hanno riaffermato di riconoscere il Dalai Lama e il Governo Tibetano in Esilio come rappresentanti legittimi del popolo tibetano e hanno convenuto sull’importanza che sia preservata l’istituzione del Dalai Lama, leader di milioni di buddisti nel mondo.
Particolare enfasi è stata posta sulla necessità di individuare strategie atte a contrastare il diffondersi di prese di posizione antitibetane e l’insorgere del nazionalismo cinese, a seguito delle false o distorte informazioni fornite dal governo di Pechino sulla situazione esistente in Tibet.
(Dal comunicato rilasciato dal coordinamento dei Gruppi per il Tibet – India).
Clicca qui per il testo completo del Comunicato
Dharamsala, 23 novembre 2008 - Dalai Lama: indipendenza impraticabile
Instablog
Il Dalai Lama, da parte sua, ha respinto ogni idea di richiesta di indipendenza, giudicata ''impraticabilè'.
Dharamsala, november 23, 2008 - Dalai Lama urges Chinese contacts
BBC
Nella forbice tra Autonomia e Indipendenza, dove si giocano vite umane, etica, partecipazione, impegno, lotte politiche e personali, sembra essersi acceso un nuovo spento il fuoco mediatico dei Giochi Olimpici. E l'attenzione del mondo è, ancora una volta, centrata sul destino di questo paese e dei suoi abitanti.
A partire dalla scelta del Dalai Lama - subito dopo l'ennesimo fallimento dei colloqui con il Governo di Pechino - di voler rimettere al popolo la definizione sulle nuove azioni da intraprendere e sulle nuove vie per risolvere la questione del Tibet.
Bruxelles, 31 marzo 2009 - Audizione dell'inviato del dalai lama Kelsang Gyaltsen al parlamento Europeo
Audio dell'intervento con traduzione:
ttp://www.radioradicale.it/scheda/276172/audizione-dellinviato-del-dalai-lama-kelsang-gyaltsen-al-parlamento-europeo
Testo in Inglese dell'intervento
Dharamsala, december 2008 - The Tibetan Resolution after the special meeting in Dharamsala: FREEDOM FIRST
by Tenzin Tsundue (Facebook)
The Tibetans recently took a major decision in their 60-year freedom struggle by re-adopting Independence as the alternate goal of the freedom struggle. The decision taken at the "Special Meeting" called by the Dalai Lama himself in Dharamsala the capital of the exiled Tibetans situated in the North Indian state of Himachal Pradesh was a historic one though its nuanced importance is little understood outside.
I was one among the minority participants both by being a youth and my political stand - demanding independence as opposed to the majority who keep independence in their heart but speak for autonomy as professed by His Holiness the Dalai Lama. The 560 delegates from refugee camps all over India and 19 other countries along with more than 17,000 opinions from inside Tibet made this the biggest-ever Tibetan conclave to discuss the future of Tibet.
This year's Tibetan people's uprising and the violent clamp down by the Chinese government, and the failure of the dialogue process for the much hoped for "Genuine Autonomy" made the Tibetan leader call this gathering using his power as the head of state according to article 59 of the charter of the Tibetan government in exile.
The agenda before the meeting held between November 17 and 22 was to discuss "The Tibetan cause in the light of recent urgent crisis in Tibet and the international scenario.” It expectedly boiled down to the usual debate between Rangzen (Independence) and Umey Lam (Middle Path). And, as was expected, while reason was on the side of Rangzen, the majority was with the Middle Path. The Dalai Lama asked the Tibetans to discuss with open mind. This debate can be compared to the debate between the proponents of "Poorna Swaraj" and those who were satisfied with "Home Rule" during the Indian freedom struggle. As the date of the meeting drew nearer the Dalai Lama added more to the confusion by saying that he was losing trust in the Chinese government, though he still trusted the Chinese people.
The meeting was going to be a true test of Tibetan democracy, the only baby the Dalai Lama has been nurturing since 1960 after coming into exile. Would the Tibetan people go with their leader or vote for a solution with their own mind? Seeing a dead end I went to the Speaker of the Tibetan Parliament in Exile and the Prime Minister. I went to the private office of His Holiness also, to seek clarification of his stand, otherwise the meeting would end up giving another round of applause to His Holiness, and everything would go back to square one; His Holiness asking people to make the decision and the people placing the responsibility back on His Holiness.
As delegates started arriving in Dharamsala from different places, it was like a family gathering; my former teachers from school, classmates and familiar faces drove up the hill in jeeps, buses and some even arrived by air. More than the delegates, there were around representatives of 120 international media who kept themselves busy catching every other Tibetan in the twin streets of Mcleod Ganj for their opinions.
The 560 delegates were distributed into 15 groups after the first day's inaugural ceremony. When we talked and listened to opinions that had been collected from refugee camps most of which are in India, I realized that their opinions had been collected before 25 October, when His Holiness made the first public statement saying that his trust in the Chinese government was becoming thinner and thinner. Since October 25 many political changes had taken place: not only the statements of His Holiness but the eighth round of talks with the Chinese government had failed; even before the delegates said anything in Dharamsala, the Chinese government declared at a press conference in Beijing their rejection of our memorandum for autonomy. This led to a battle in the media with the delegates proclaiming that Beijing must own up the responsibility for the failure of the talks.
After three days of discussion, when our group met on the fourth day to compile our resolutions, our group leader, a celebrated academician based in the US, called for a referendum. I put my foot down and strongly argued that we had not come here to compete on our political stands, but to collect opinions and seek practical recommendations with which the Tibetan struggle could move forward. Then one Middle Pather quoted the guidelines of the meeting requiring every resolution be passed either by unanimous judgment or vote by majority. Now the problem with democracy is that the minority is less than equal, and therefore has nowhere to go. A young girl from Switzerland said if the people were to decide by voting she would refuse to sign the resolution.
We may be talking methods of finding solutions but it was still a debate between Independence and Autonomy. I intervened to remind everybody that both the Prime Minister and the Speaker had said at the time of calling the meeting that there would be no voting or raising of hands to arrive at decision and added that the meeting could not go on like this if they insisted on a referendum, and the purpose for which the meeting had been convened would be defeated.
A serious crisis was at hand. During the tea break I went looking for the Prime Minister and the Speaker. Later we all agreed to send all the recommendations except the facile ones like making a golden throne for the Dalai Lama. When we came out I found out that most independence advocates had done the same trick and the Middle Pathers had allowed it.
When all opinions got collected, and the group leaders met to work out a final resolution, the true test of Tibetan democracy was at hand. The Dalai Lama had expressed distrust in the Chinese government but had not withdrawn his Middle Path policy. Therefore, the choice was still between the Dalai Lama's Middle Path or Independence.
Then, exile government circulated the result of opinions secretly collected inside Tibet. Out of 17,393 people, 8,246 said they would follow whatever His Holiness says, while 5,209 voted for Independence, and 2,950 supported the Middle Path.
The Meeting resolved to follow the Middle Path as a public mandate but decided to suspend with immediate effect, sending delegations to China, as Beijing did not reciprocate appropriately to the dialogue process. If, in the short period they continued their policy of not responding to our efforts to find a negotiated solution, we would reinstate Independence as the goal of the Tibetan struggle and demand the right of Self Determination. And it would be us who would what "short period" would be.
The eight-point resolution received five standing ovations and brought tears in the eyes of many delegates as we rose to sing the Tibetan National Anthem, we felt once again reunited for one common cause under one leadership. Whatever we spoke for was all for the freedom of Tibet and our main concern was for our brethren inside Tibet who are living under Chinese occupation. The exile government and the people will now be more active in our non-violent struggle and stop being conciliatory. We will now be more confrontational and aggressive, but we are unanimous in our resolve in maintaining our struggle non-violent.
As the meeting came to an end the Prime Minister Prof Samdhong Rinpoche delivering a unique thank you speech said: "The Chinese government this week tried to put pressure on India to stop this meeting, and the Indian government pretended as if they didn't hear it. We want to express our deep gratitude to the people and Government of India".
Tenzin Tsundue is Tibetan writer and activist. He can be contacted at tentsundue@yahoo. com
Roma, 25 dicembre 2008 - Intervista a Matteo Mecacci sugli arresti in Tibet effettuati per aver scaricato da internet alcuni canti tradizionali
Tra il ridicolo e la vergogna ... (m.b.)
Pechino, 25 dicembre 20058 - scaricavano dal web canzoni "reazionarie": 59 arrestati dai cinesi
Il Giornale.it
Pechino - Le autorità cinesi del Tibet hanno arrestato 59 persone con l'accusa di aver istigato all'odio razziale e alla violenza e aver scaricato da internet canzoni "reazionarie". Lo hanno riferito i media di stato. I 59 sono stati accusati di agire sotto l'influenza del leader spirituale tibetano in esilio, il Dalai Lama.
"Dopo i violenti incidenti di marzo - ha scritto l'agenzia semi-ufficiale China News Service - certe persone con secondi fini, sotto la macchinazione e l'incoraggiamento della cricca separatista del Dalai Lama, hanno diffuso voci a livello internazionale e hanno incitato a sentimenti nazionalistici, minacciando la sicurezza della nazione e delle persone". La polizia ha passato al setaccio i mercati della capitale regionale Lhasa, alla ricerca di venditori di canzoni tibetane tradizionali, scaricate dalla rete e masterizzate su cd.
Gurgaon (Delhi), 01 dicembre 2008 - Conlcuso il Meeting Internazionale del Tibet Support Group
Marilia Bellaterra e Associazione italia Tibet
È terminato oggi il raduno straordinario dei gruppi di sostegno al Tibet convocati su invito del Dalai Lama per discutere sugli esiti della recente assemblea generale dei tibetani in esilio, svoltasi a Dharamsala dal 16 al 22 novembre, e per esprimere le loro strategie e punti di vista. Il meeting, organizzato nel complesso di Gurgaon, nelle vicinanze di New Delhi, dal coordinamento dei Tibet Support Group indiani, si è svolto dal 29 novembre al 1° dicembre 2008 e ha visto la partecipazione di oltre cento delegati in rappresentanza di trenta paesi. L’Associazione Italia-Tibet era rappresentata dal consigliere Marilia Bellaterra.
All’apertura dei lavori, iniziati con un minuto di silenzio in memoria dei caduti in Tibet e delle vittime del recente attacco terroristico a Mumbai, erano presenti il Primo Ministro tibetano Samdhong Rinpoche e il Presidente del Parlamento tibetano in esilio Karma Chopel. Il Dalai Lama, in un suo messaggio, ha esortato i sostenitori della causa tibetana a “fornire alla leadership eletta suggerimenti sui passi da intraprendere per la realizzazione delle aspirazioni fondamentali del popolo tibetano”.
Clicca qui per il Programma dettagliato del Meeting
Viene anche distribuito a tutti i partecipanti il testo completo del "Memorandum on genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People" (clicca qui per la traduzione in italiano: Memorandum sulla effettiva Autonomia per il Popolo TIbetano”, tratto dal sito: http://servizi.radicalparty.org/documents/index.php?func=detail&par=3847), la sua “sintesi”, oltre alla Raccomandazioni del First Special General Meeting Convened Under Article 59 of the Charter.
I delegati hanno espresso il loro rammarico per la linea dura adottata dal governo cinese nei confronti del Dalai Lama e per l’assenza di qualsiasi progresso nei colloqui con i rappresentanti di Pechino. Nel corso di un acceso e intenso dibattito, molti partecipanti si sono espressi a favore dell’abbandono della politica della Via di Mezzo nel caso in cui, in tempi brevi, la situazione non migliori in modo rilevante e la Cina non dimostri di impegnarsi in modo sincero nel processo di dialogo.
I delegati hanno riaffermato la propria determinazione a dare la massima priorità alla volontà e alle esigenze dei tibetani all’interno del Tibet. Hanno espresso la più sentita ammirazione per il coraggio con il quale, dallo scorso mese di marzo, i tibetani hanno portato avanti la loro pacifica lotta di resistenza. I partecipanti al meeting si sono inoltre detti profondamente preoccupati per le continue sofferenze del popolo del Tibet, di fatto sotto la legge marziale, e hanno manifestato la propria solidarietà ai prigionieri politici, alle loro famiglie e alle centinaia di scomparsi.
Il meeting ha particolarmente apprezzato la recente assemblea dei tibetani in esilio, forum democratico di discussione e confronto, e ha auspicato il ripetersi di incontri di questo tipo allo scopo di rafforzare le istituzioni tibetane e dare voce alla società civile in esilio.
I gruppi di sostegno al Tibet hanno riaffermato di riconoscere il Dalai Lama e il Governo Tibetano in Esilio come rappresentanti legittimi del popolo tibetano e hanno convenuto sull’importanza che sia preservata l’istituzione del Dalai Lama, leader di milioni di buddisti nel mondo.
Particolare enfasi è stata posta sulla necessità di individuare strategie atte a contrastare il diffondersi di prese di posizione antitibetane e l’insorgere del nazionalismo cinese, a seguito delle false o distorte informazioni fornite dal governo di Pechino sulla situazione esistente in Tibet.
(Dal comunicato rilasciato dal coordinamento dei Gruppi per il Tibet – India).
Clicca qui per il testo completo del Comunicato
Dharamsala, 23 novembre 2008 - Dalai Lama: indipendenza impraticabile
Instablog
Non si dimetterà il Dalai Lama. Lo ha annunciato ai cronisti il capo spirituale dei tibetani in esilio in India, a margine di una conferenza sul meeting speciale dei tibetani di tutto il mondo. L'assembla aveva votato la sua fiducia nel leader e nella sua politica della ''via di mezzò' nei confronti dei cinesi, non abbandonando però l'ipotesi di chiedere l'indipendenza a Pechino se la politica attendista non desse risultati.
Il Dalai Lama, da parte sua, ha respinto ogni idea di richiesta di indipendenza, giudicata ''impraticabilè'.
Dharamsala, november 23, 2008 - Dalai Lama urges Chinese contacts
BBC
The Dalai Lama (right) spoke after a week of talks among Tibetan exi
|
The Dalai Lama has urged his fellow Tibetan exiles in India to improve contacts with ordinary Chinese people, saying he has always had faith in them.
By contrast, he argued, the Chinese government remained repressive in Tibet and he warned of "great danger" if the exiles did not exercise caution.
He welcomed a decision by exiles to back his policy of autonomy, rather than independence, from China.The veteran leader, 73, also sought to end rumours he was planning to retire. Speaking to exiles in the Himalayan town of Dharamsala, from which he has led the Tibetan cause for nearly 50 years, he said: "My faith in the Chinese people has never been shaken".
He said China was changing and the Tibetan movement should seek to take advantage of that. But his faith in the Chinese government, he added, was "getting thinner", and he accused them of using "fear and ruthless suppression" to control Tibet.''If we're not careful in our actions over the next 20 years, [they could] lead to great danger,'' he said.
Other options
Although Tibet has enjoyed long periods of autonomy or self-rule, China maintains that it has always been an integral part of its territory.Chinese Communist forces invaded Tibet in 1950 and have ruled there ever since.
Under the Dalai Lama's so-called "Middle Way" approach, Tibetans would essentially stop pushing for the re-establishment of Tibet as an independent nation.Total independence was "not practicable", he told the meeting in Dharamsala, India. "[The] majority of views have come up supporting the Middle Way path to the Tibetan issue... which is right," he said.
The Dalai Lama, who was treated in hospital with abdominal pains earlier this year, said of himself: "There is no point, or question of retirement," he said.
He was speaking after a week-long meeting of representatives of the Tibetan movement concluded that if China made no effort to meet the Dalai Lama's demands, then other options, including calls for independence and self-determination, would be put forward.
Delegates also suggested that the Dalai Lama's envoy should not return to China unless attitudes changed in Beijing. China's authorities in Tibet made clear in recent days that they believed the exiles were still bent on independence.
"The so-called 'Middle Way' is a naked expression of 'Tibetan independence' aimed at nakedly spreading the despicable plot of opposing the tide of history," said an editorial in the official Tibet Daily newspaper on Friday.
Dharamshala, November 23, 2008 - My Faith in Chinese People Still Unshaken: Dalai Lama
| Phayul |
||
Reiterating his ‘unshaken faith’ in the people of China, His Holiness the Dalai Lama today said dialogue with Chinese people is important for the Tibetans. “There are two levels of dialogue, one with the Chinese government and the other with the people of China”. The 73 year old Nobel laureate was speaking to the media after meeting the participants of the ‘special meeting’ that he called using a power given to him under article 59 of the Tibetan charter. His Holiness said that the Tibetans inside Tibet place high hopes and faith on those in exile and that all efforts must be made to stand up to their expectations. “The Tibetans inside Tibet are our real boss”. He said that he had not much to comment on the Special Meeting but that he heard it was a meaningful one. The Tibetan leader hoped that more such meetings could be held in the future. He clarified the view held by many that he proposed the idea of seeking genuine autonomy for Tibet after Deng Xiaoping’s remarks to Gyalo Thondup that everything can be discussed except independence saying that before the meeting between Gyalo Thondup and Deng Xiaoping, he and his ministers had already discussed the possibility of genuine autonomy for Tibet though the term ‘Middle Way’ was not used then. He said that the international Tibet support groups who will be meeting next month in the Indian capital should be listened to, and their views also are important for the Tibetans. He also said he had kept himself out of the special meeting so that free and frank discussion could take place. Taking a dig at the present Chinese leadership, His Holiness said that if Mao was alive today the current Beijing leadership would receive scolding for not maintaining Mao’s real socialist principles. He said China no longer is a purely socialist state as envisioned by its founding fathers. Speaking separately to the participants of the special meeting he said that there is dire need for the Tibetan community to produce Tibetan professionals in various fields of studies. He also said that the projects initiated by Tibetan government in various settlements should also benefit the local Indian communities. On the issue of the reincarnation of the next Dalai Lama, he said, taking example of the Vatican, there are some possibilities including the traditional system of electing someone during his lifetime but did not give details. |
Dharamsala, November 22, 2008 - To uphold “middle-way”, Tibetan exiles demand China’s sincerity
Phayul, By Phurbu Thinley
While reaffirming their absolute “faith and allegiance” in the Dalai Lama’s leadership and agreeing to pursue for Tibet’s autonomy, Tibetan exiles did not rule out a possible shift in policy to independence if current middle-way policy fails to yield any result in the near future.
Over 500 Tibetan leaders and representatives from around the world today ended a six-day “Special Meeting”, which was started on Monday, in Dharamsala, the base for the Tibet’s government in exile in northern India. The speaker of the Tibetan Parliament-in-exile Mr Karma Chophel, who chaired the meeting, described the final report of the meeting as a summary of the opinions and suggestions of the people to be submitted to the exiled Tibetan leader the Dalai Lama for his further considerations.
In the report, the delegates have urged the exiled Tibetan leader Dalai Lama not to consider “complete retirement” or even “semi-retirement” in leading the Tibetan people’s cause.
Among other things, the report also suggests that the talks by Dalai Lama’s envoys with China should be stopped until Chinese leadership is serious about resolving the Tibetan issue. The report further says there was a strong opinion from the meeting that consideration must be given in seeking “independence” if such a move does not bring any result within a short time. The report of the meeting declared that, whether seeking “independence” or “autonomy”, the Tibetan people will maintain total commitment to non-violence in their struggle for freedom. “China has rejected our proposal for a genuine autonomy in all its form. But there is still time for China to respond positively to our sincere efforts,” Chophel told Phayul. “If China is not at all willing to do that, it will only force us to review our current policy again. Then as expressed strongly by Tibetan delegates during the meeting, there is no reason not to consider shifting our policy to independence,” the speaker added.
Jamyang Norbu, a prominent Tibetan writer and a staunch advocate of Tibetan independence, described the meeting itself as an “encouraging” one that gives public an opportunity to express their opinion and accordingly help review the Tibetan government’s policies. He said the meeting had vitalized the need to review and revamp the current middle way policy.
amyang, 59, said that the meeting was also a “first step in the right direction” in reviewing Rangzen (complete independence) policy and possibly restoring it if the middle-way approach continues to fail within a time limit.
Former Kalon and Representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama to the Americas Mr. Lobsang Nyandak said the outcome of the meeting had not outlined any fixed time limit for a possible review on the policy shift. “Everyone agrees that only through dialogues we can settle the issue. The delegates of the meeting are saying that Chinese government should now create the prospect and the atmosphere for the dialogue to take place,” Lobsang said. “To have a review of the current policy in future, we must observe Chinese side’s reaction and discuss seriously about it,” he said.
To make China come forward, Lobsang said “it depends on what strategies we adopt and the kind of international pressure that we can build on China.” Speaker Chophel said the meeting also called on China to stop criticizing and making defamatory attacks on the revered Tibetan leader. He said such remarks not only hurt the sentiments of the Tibetan people, but also hurt the sentiments of Buddhists, including Chinese, around the world and also Tibet supporters and individuals who admire the Dalai Lama’s moral principles. “The meeting has concluded that China must accept that this year’s unrest in Tibet is a result of its misrule and wrong policies adopted against the Tibetan people for the last many decades. China has said it has evidence to prove that Dalai Lama’s exile groups have instigated the riots in Tibet, but they have already failed to show any evidence to prove their accusations,” he added. Chophel said Tibetan people "unanimously reaffirming their trust and allegiance to His Holiness the Dalai Lama” during the meeting was a fitting reply to Chinese leadership’s remarks that the Dalai Lama has no right to represent Tibetan people. “Tibetan people reaffirming that they will follow the Dalai Lama in whatever path he deems most appropriate is a clear message; and China must acknowledge this reality,” he added.
Chophel also said the Tibetan envoys, during the latest round of talks with Chinese representatives earlier this month, had also challenged the Chinese government to allow a free and independent poll on what Tibetans inside Tibet have had to say about the Dalai Lama’s role. Jetsun Pema, former Kalon (Tibetan minister) and the younger sister of the Dalai Lama, said the meeting was an important platform to “prepare for the future” of the Tibetan movement. “His Holiness the Dalai Lama has always wanted to have a genuine democracy for Tibetan people and he has always promoted it,” Pema said. Ahead of the ‘special meeting’, some 17,000 Tibetans inside Tibet had also been consulted about their opinions on the future course of action Tibet. Of them more than 8000 Tibetans said they will follow the Dalai Lama’s direction and almost 3000 backed the Dalai Lama’s middle-way approach. The Dalai Lama is expected to address the meeting delegates on Sunday. |
Dharamsala, 22 novembre 2008 - I Tibetani vogliono il negoziato ma ammoniscono pechino: "Senza dialogo non resta che la lotta"
I Tibetani insisteranno sulla linea del dialogo con le autorità di Pechino, non cederanno, almeno per ora, alle tentazioni di una esplicita lotta per l’indipendenza.
Sono queste le conclusioni della lunga riunione dei 600 delegati in rappresentanza dei tibetani dell’esilio che si sono ritrovati a Dhramshala, in India.
I tibetani tuttavia si attendono segnali chiari dalla Cina, in mancanza dei quali saranno pronti a rilanciare la loro iniziativa.
“Non manderemo delegazioni per ulteriori contatti”, spiega la presidente del parlamento tibetano in esilio. “Se la Cina non risponderà positivamente non resterà che lottare per la completa indipendenza”.
La riunione, che domani sarà conclusa da un intervento del Dalai Lama, punta a risolvere la crisi nella regione meridionale della Cina, segnata dalla sistematica repressione da parte delle autorità di Pechino delle istanze di una maggiore autonomia politica e culturale.
Dal canto suo la Cina, che a cavallo coi giochi olimpici spense con la forza i focolai di rivolta, ha escluso ogni apertura.
Dharmsala 22 novembre 2008 - Esuli approvano "via di mezzo" del Dalai Lama. In corso più importante riunione degli ultimi 60 anni
APCOM
I tibetani riuniti da lunedì scorso a Dharmasala, in India, per discutere come portare avanti la loro battaglia per la libertà, sostengono la linea del compromesso, la "via di mezzo" del Dalai Lama. Lo ha reso noto oggi il premier del governo tibetano in esilio, Samdhong Rinpoche.
"Dal resoconto del comitato emerge un consenso per l'approccio della via di mezzo, come prevedevamo", ha dichiarato il premier. L'assemblea è la più importante riunione degli ultimi 60 anni, in cui si discute del futuro del Tibet dopo il fallimento dei negoziati con la Cina. La linea del compromesso del Dalai Lama ha quindi prevalso sulle posizione più intransigenti dei giovani, che chiedevano piena indipendenza dalla Cina. Tuttavia, ieri un editoriale del Tibet Daily ha definito la "via di mezzo" del Dalai Lama un inganno con cui in realtà si cerca di ottenere l'indipendenza della regione himalayana, che Pechino considera parte dei propri territori da oltre 700 anni.
Le conclusioni dell'assemblea saranno discusse pubblicamente nella tarda giornata di oggi. Quindi domani sarà il Dalai Lama a rivolgersi agli esuli giunti da ogni parte del mondo.
"Dal resoconto del comitato emerge un consenso per l'approccio della via di mezzo, come prevedevamo", ha dichiarato il premier. L'assemblea è la più importante riunione degli ultimi 60 anni, in cui si discute del futuro del Tibet dopo il fallimento dei negoziati con la Cina. La linea del compromesso del Dalai Lama ha quindi prevalso sulle posizione più intransigenti dei giovani, che chiedevano piena indipendenza dalla Cina. Tuttavia, ieri un editoriale del Tibet Daily ha definito la "via di mezzo" del Dalai Lama un inganno con cui in realtà si cerca di ottenere l'indipendenza della regione himalayana, che Pechino considera parte dei propri territori da oltre 700 anni.
Le conclusioni dell'assemblea saranno discusse pubblicamente nella tarda giornata di oggi. Quindi domani sarà il Dalai Lama a rivolgersi agli esuli giunti da ogni parte del mondo.
Dharamsala, 22 novembre 2008 - Tibetani decidono di proseguire con linea mediazione Dalai Lama
Reuters
I tibetani in esilio hanno deciso di continuare con l'approccio della "via di mezzo" seguito dal Dalai Lama, per ottenere almeno una maggiore autonomia per il Tibet dalla Cina. Lo ha riferito oggi il governo tibetano in esilio.
La decisione è arrivata al termine del vertice di centinaia di tibetani nella città indiana settentrionale di Dharamsala, sede del governo in esilio del Tibet, per tracciare la via del loro movimento dopo che una serie di otto tornate di colloqui ufficiali con Pechino non è riuscita a fare alcun progresso.
L'approccio della "via di mezzo" abbandona il sogno di un Tibet indipendente in favore della ricerca di una maggiore autonomia dalla Cina attraverso il dialogo.
La decisione è arrivata al termine del vertice di centinaia di tibetani nella città indiana settentrionale di Dharamsala, sede del governo in esilio del Tibet, per tracciare la via del loro movimento dopo che una serie di otto tornate di colloqui ufficiali con Pechino non è riuscita a fare alcun progresso.
L'approccio della "via di mezzo" abbandona il sogno di un Tibet indipendente in favore della ricerca di una maggiore autonomia dalla Cina attraverso il dialogo.
Pechino, 13 novembre 2008 - Pechino condanna meeting esuli tibetani
Ap
La Cina condanna il prossimo incontro di esuli tibetani in India, sostenendo che i partecipanti non rappresentano le idee della maggioranza del popolo tibetano. Il Dalai Lama ha organizzato il meeting a Dharamsala, sede del governo tibetano in esilio nel nord dell'India, per determinare la futura direzione del suo movimento, che vorrebbe proteggere le istituzioni del piccolo territorio tibetano da cinquant'anni di controllo cinese.
Il portavoce del ministero degli Esteri di Pechino, Qin Gang, sostiene invece che il meeting ha come unico scopo quello di ottenere la definitiva indipendenza del Tibet dalla Cina: "Il governo cinese è assolutamente contrario a qualsiasi attività internazionale volta alla divisione della Cina". Pechino si aspetta inoltre che il governo indiano onori la sua premessa di non consentire attività "volte a dividere il territorio cinese".
L'ultimo round di negoziati tra Pechino e i rappresentanti del leader spirituale tibetano si è concluso senza risultati, con il governo cinese che ha accusato la controparte tibetana di complotto per procedere a una pulizia etnica e di voler tornare a un governo feudale.
Gurgaon (Delhi), 27 novembre - 02 dicembre 2008 - Special International Tibet Support Group meeting
Si svolgerà nei pressi di Delhi quesyo importante Meeting, di cui segue il Programma di massima. Gli aggiornamenti, in tempo reale, verranno dati da Marilia Bellaterra che parteciperà ai lavori, per conto di AIT e di AREF
Special International Support Groups Meeting
Convened by the Core Group for Tibetan Cause-India
09.00-11.00 hrs Inauguration of the Conference
Venue: Wet 'n' Wild Resort, Gurgaon
Address: 45-mile Stone, NH-8, Naurangpur Sector 78
Tel: +91-124-2372472 / 2372931
Fax: +91-124-2372931
Website: www.wetnwildresorts.com
09:00-09:10 hrs Master of Ceremony: Mr. Vijay Kranti, Co-Convener, Core Group for Tibetan Cause-India
09:10-09:15 hrs Lighting of Chome(Traditional Lamp) by the Chief Guest, Mr. Arun Shourie, Member of
Parliament, Rajya Sabha
09:15-09:20 hrs Prayer for world peace by Buddhist Monks
09:20-09:30hrs Message of His Holiness the Dalai Lama read by Mr. Tempa Tsering, Kalon and Representative
of His Holiness the Dalai Lama,
09:30-09:45 hrs Welcome Address: Dr. N.K.Trikha, National Convener, Core Group for Tibetan Cause-India
09:45-10:10 hrs Address: Prof. Samdhong Rinpoche, Kalon Tripa, Central Tibetan Administration
10:10-10:35 hrs Address: Mr. T.T. Karma Chophel, Speaker, Tibetan Parliament in Exile
10:35-10:50 hrs Inaugural Address by the Chief Guest: Mr. Arun Shourie, Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha
10:50-11:00 hrs Vote of Thanks: Dr. Anand Kumar, Co-Convener, Core Group for Tibetan Cause-India
11:00-11:05 hrs TSG Song
11:05-11:30 hrs Tea/Coffee Break
11:30-12:15 hrs Plenary Session I
Briefing on the Eighth round of Sino-Tibetan Dialogue by Mr. Lodi G. Gyari, Special Envoy of His Holiness the DL
12:15-13:15 hrs Plenary Session II
Presentation of ITSN's Strategic Plan for the Post-2008 Olympics Period Presented by: Mr. Jamyang Dorjee, Co-Chair, ITSN
13:15-14:15 hrs Lunch
14:15-14:25 hrs Introduction to Workshops and Working Groups
14:25-16:25 hrs Workshop-I : Political Support for
(Attended by all participants in three sub-groups)
16:25-16:40 hrs Tea/Coffee Break
16-40-18:40 hrs Workshop II : UN & EU Initiative on
(Attended by all participants in three sub-groups)
18:40 hrs Dinner
19:30 hrs Screening of March 2008 Protest
Day Two : Sunday, 30th November 2008
09:00-11:00 hrs Workshop III : Satyagrah(Non-Violent movement)
(Attended by all participants in three sub-groups)
11:00-11:30 hrs Tea/Coffee Break
11:30-12:00 hrs Presentation of Group Reports, Workshop-I
12:00-13:30 hrs Lunch
13:30-14:00 hrs Presentation of Group Reports, Workshop-II
14:00-16:00 hrs Workshop IV: Outreach to Chinese People
(Attended by all participants in three sub-groups)
16:00-16:30 hrs Tea/Coffee Break
16:30-17:00 hrs Presentation of Group Reports, Workshop-III
17:00- 17:30 hrs Presentation of Group Reports, Workshop-IV
17:30-18:30 hrs Screening of Leaving Fear Behind
18:30 hrs Dinner
Day Three : Monday, 1st December 2008
08:30-10:30 hrs Plenary Session 3
08:30-09:30 hrs Presentation and Discussion on the draft Special Meeting Action Plan
09:30-10:30 hrs doption of Special Meeting Action Plan
10:30-11:00 hrs Tea/Coffee Break
11:00-12:00 hrs Concluding Session
11:00-11:10 hrs Master of Ceremony: Dr. K.C.Agnihotri, Co-Convener, Core Group for Tibetan Cause-India
11:10-11:30 hrs Address by:
11:30-11:50 hrs Address by Chief Guest:
11:50-12:00 hrs Vote of Thanks: Mr. Sonam N. Dagpo, International Secretary for Dep.of Information and International Relations
12:00 hrs Lunch
Dharamsala, 20 novembre 2008 - i Tibetani decidono il loro futuro
personal Report from Lhakpa Tsering, Representative of Shillong
I am in dharamsala for special meeting 17 to 22 of this month. First day we have inguration at TCV hall with 559 Tibetan delegates and representatives from all over the world.
The chair person of cabinet Honorable Professor Samdhong Rionpoche has given a speach, Mr Karma Choephel chair person of M.P has also given a speach and we have sweet rice and butter tea. With welcome of HH DLama poto to dias Tibetan National anthem.
The chair person of cabinet Honorable Professor Samdhong Rionpoche has given a speach, Mr Karma Choephel chair person of M.P has also given a speach and we have sweet rice and butter tea. With welcome of HH DLama poto to dias Tibetan National anthem.
After that all the participant were divided in 15 group to discuss the issue related since March 10 onwards in Tibet and international relation and issues of Tibet for 17 half day. 18.19.20. here at Gangchen kyishong.
Tomorrow 21 n 22, all the group will gather at TCV big hall to present the group report (Lhakpa Tsering)
Dharamsala, 20 novembre 2008 - Il Dalai Lama non partecipa allo Special Meeting dei Tibetani, per non influenzarne le scelte
Phayul
His Holiness the Dalai Lama at the inaugural ceremony of a new auditorium of the Lion's Club, Dharamshala, Nov.20, 2008.
Talking to the media, the 73 year old Tibetan leader said he is staying out of the Special Meeting of the Tibetans currently underway so that the discussions will not be influenced by his presence.
Talking to the media, the 73 year old Tibetan leader said he is staying out of the Special Meeting of the Tibetans currently underway so that the discussions will not be influenced by his presence.
Dharamsala, 18 novembre 2008 - I tibetani decidono il loro futuro
Asianews, di Penpa Tsering
Da ieri al 22 novembre i leader dei tibetani in esilio discutono la politica verso Pechino. Si confrontano i fautori del dialogo e quelli per la lotta per l’indipendenza. Un leader tibetano racconta ad AsiaNews contenuti e attese dell’incontro.
Si svolge da ieri al 22 novembre a Dharamsala (India), l’incontro tra i leader dei tibetani in esilio, per discutere la futura politica verso Pechino, dopo che lo stesso Dalai Lama si è detto “scoraggiato” per la mancanza di esiti nei colloqui con i rappresentanti del governo cinese.
Si confrontano la “linea di mezzo” sempre sostenuta dal Dalai Lama che chiede a Pechino una maggiore autonomia (con l’elezione diretta del proprio governo regionale e adeguata tutela di cultura, tradizioni e ambiente naturale) e quella più dura che chiede la piena indipendenza del Paese. Il governo tibetano in esilio ha comunque chiarito che eventuali decisioni non competono a questo consesso ma “all’intero popolo tibetano, secondo il metodo democratico”.
Esperti commentano che l’incontro serve anzitutto a persuadere la Cina a fare concessioni alle richieste dei moderati, per evitare che istanze estremiste prendano sempre più forza .
Penpa Tsering, direttore esecutivo del Tibetan Parliamentary and Policy Research Centre, in esclusiva per AsiaNews dice che “c’è un’atmosfera d’entusiasmo, tutti vogliono contribuire all’attività politica. Qui partecipano 580 tibetani in esilio, dei quali il 15-20% sono nati in Tibet.”.
“Tra i nati in Tibet, alcuni vogliono un approccio realistico e cercano un dialogo utile con la Cina. Ma altri, con meno realismo, chiedono l’indipendenza”.
“Molti tibetani sottolineano l’importanza della lingua, cultura e identità del loro Paese, preservarle è il loro maggior desiderio. Ma una domanda comune e continua riguarda la libertà religiosa in Tibet, ritenuta essenziale per la conservazione della cultura e delle tradizioni religiose del Paese, per tramandarle di generazione in generazione”.
“Certo, ci sono richieste per l’indipendenza del Tibet. E’ vero che molti tibetani sono frustrati e scoraggiati perché la Cina non risponde in modo positivo alle nostre richieste. Il gruppo Tibetan Youth Congress vede nell’incontro un’ottima opportunità per cambiare la storia del Tibet, per lasciare una approccio moderato e chiedere l’indipendenza”. “Ma nelle decisioni dobbiamo essere razionali e non seguire le emozioni, questo incontro è guidato da discussioni razionali e politiche”.
“La mia personale opinione è che dobbiamo dare più tempo ai leader cinesi perché decidano come rispondere alla questione tibetana. Forse saranno necessari altri 3 o 4 anni, perché Pechino trovi una soluzione e perché un dialogo costruttivo porti frutti concreti. Anche se ora non siamo soddisfatti dalle risposte della Cina, da cui ci aspettiamo molto di più, dobbiamo darle ancora altri 3-4 anni”.
“In questo momento la comunità internazionale e i leader mondiali sono simpatetici con la causa tibetana. Abbiamo ricevuto molto sostegno e solidarietà per la nostra causa. Ma occorre i leader mondiali, oltre a darci un sostegno morale e un incoraggiamento, facciamo pressione su Pechino perché risolva la questione tibetana”.
Dharamsala, 17 novembre 2008 - cerimonia di apertura del 1° SPECIAL MEETING convocato in base all'art. 59 della Tibetan Charter
Phayul
Dharamsal, 17 November 2008 - Special Meeting: a new Middle Way based on Rangzen
Phayul, By Mathieu Vernerey
The perspective of the Special Meeting (17-22 November) seems to create as many inspirations as fears within the Tibetan community. Many sincerely fear that the discussions come into a confrontation Rangzen (independence) vs. Middle Way, and they worry about Tibetan unity which should be preserved as a priority. Some others are saying that Middle Way policy or autonomy proposal should not be criticized or discussed. Even they repeat the old accusations saying it would be disloyal to the Dalai Lama. But one should not be "more royalist than the king", as it is the Dalai Lama himself who called a Special Meeting to discuss the future of the Tibetan movement.
In his TCV's speech (25 October), the Dalai Lama said: "The Tibetan people should take collective initiative and take an interest based on the kind of long-term strategies that we should employ to resolve our struggle". Before concluding: "When all is said and done, it is for the Tibetan people themselves to decide about their collective future". Commenting the Dalai Lama's remarks, his spokesperson Tenzin Taklha told AFP (27 October): “He has lost hope in trying to reach a solution with the present Chinese leadership which is simply not willing to address the issues. (...) His Holiness feels that other options have to be considered, and this will be done at the meeting in November". The Dalai Lama even decided not to attend the meeting as he clearly doesn't want to influence the discussions: "If I say, 'I think this is better or that is better,' then people may not express freely. (..) Now it's up to the people".
So, as the Dalai Lama often says: "The issue of Tibet is not the issue of the Dalai Lama alone. It is the issue of 6 million Tibetans". This is not only addressed to Chinese leadership or foreign observers. It also concerns Tibetans themselves, particularly those who always speak on behalf of the Dalai Lama without listening him. Anyway, all this indicates that any review of the "Middle Way policy" should be considered very carefully. But more fundamentally, and quite paradoxically, it may reveal also that Middle Way is not the problem and that it could even become the solution.
New Middle Way
People should not make confusion between Middle Way approach and autonomy. In one hand, Middle Way approach is a moral aspiration and its main objective is to achieve a mutually-beneficial solution. On the other hand, autonomy is a political proposal, which furthermore was conceptualised in a particular historical context. In 1979, the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping said that "except independence, all other issues can be resolved through negotiations". So the Dalai Lama based his Middle Way approach on the proposal of autonomy. But the fact is that China doesn't want to negotiate neither autonomy nor independence. However, Middle Way policy was and remains a successful way to popularize the Tibetan issue around the world and to achieve an international political support: that is its concrete and irrefutable result.
So autonomy is just a proposal and it should not be fatally identified to Middle Way, as there are not direct or immutable links between them. Fundamentally, there is no contradiction between Rangzen (independence) and Middle Way approach. Even Rangzen could become a new political proposal in this framework. Thus Rangzen should not be considered just as confrontation with China. It could be viewed in a new way, as partnership with China. Of course, the nationalist and idelogical view of Chinese over Tibet remain a big problem. But strategic considerations on a partnership could become a more pragmatic argument than just giving up independence with no strategic arrangements.
For example, China needs energies for its economic development. So Rangzen Tibetan leaders could think about the better way to rationally exploit Tibetan natural resources and about what kinds of cooperation could be possible with China: in a mutually-beneficial way. Idem for many other domains like environment, defense, diplomacy, even arts, etc.: always in a mutually-beneficial way. But more important: at this moment, Tibet remains unstable and represents a threat for China's stability, and Beijing is unable to control the situation. An independent Tibet could become, not a threat, but the promise of stability for China, as Tibet would be a new and reliable neighbour country able to guarantee its proper social stability.
Of course, all this might not convince Chinese leadership, for some time at least. But this is not the point. There are other steps before. First, it would be the best way to keep the Dalai Lama in the course, because "Rangzen partnership" proposal would not be in contradiction with his Middle Way approach. It would be also the best way to keep Tibetan unity, now on the basis of Rangzen. Even if the Chinese leadership would remain skeptical, it could show to Chinese common people that Rangzen activists are not a kind of phantasmed terrorists or fanatics, and so create a more favorable opinion within Chinese society. But above all, it would show to foreign political leaders that Rangzen leaders are serious, responsible and credible interlocutors, able to be concerned in regional stability in Asia and even in China stability. So Rangzen is possible and a combination Rangzen-Middle Way is possible as well. Tibet and China, both as independent and sovereign countries, could become good neighbours, in a mutually-beneficial way.
Rangzen political project
We know the Five-Points Peace Plan (1987) of the Dalai Lama, as well as his Guidelines for future Tibet (1992). But what about Rangzen activists' vision of a future Tibet? What is their "Peace Plan" and what are their "Guidelines"? Rangzen activists seem to wait for a policy review of the Tibetan Government in Exile (TGiE). At last, this will be discussed at the forthcoming Special Meeting. But we need to know also what is the political project and the alternative programme of Rangzen.
For example, what kinds of relationship do they imagine between an independent Tibet and some neighbouring countries like China, India, Mongolia, Republics of Central Asia, and even other territories presently under Chinese rule (South Mongolia and East Turkestan)? Some few other more provocative and apparently naive questions: what kinds of relations with NATO, Shanghai Group, APT, USA, Russia, European Union, etc.? And more concretely, what about political constitution, social and economic issues, diplomacy, defense, religion, etc.?
Of course, it may be too early to answer to these questions, but not to ask them. Because Rangzen has to become a credible political project to which foreign leaders could give their support and cooperation. In one word: what is the interest for other countries to support an independent Tibet? Not just by default or by comparison with China. But in a more positive way: what can an independent Tibet offer to the world? Then another important and key issue would be how to acheive independence - this question is also valid for those supporting autonomy.
So we need to know more about Rangzen political project, programme and strategies. Jamyang Norbu wrote "Rangzen Charter" in 1999 and created the Rangzen Alliance. This was a good and necessary first step. But now, which other steps have been realised by Rangzen activists since Jamyang Norbu's first proposal draft? We have to be aware of a very important point. Today, we collectively - the Dalai Lama first - acknowledge the failure of the present Tibetan policy - mostly because of the Chinese attitude. But without any concrete and ready yet alternative programme, what would be the chances of a Rangzen policy? And what would be the consequences of a premature failure of Rangzen?
The challenge of Rangzen
Rangzen activists can't be satisfied any more with just criticising the Tibetan Government in Exile, without making alternative propositions and applying them. Yes, the policy and the action of the TGiE are not perfect and now obviously come to an impasse. But they were till now the "only solution", in default of "another concrete solution". TGiE's initiatives are like a life raft, drifting but floating. And there is no use in sinking it, as it is also the legitimate continuation in exile of the Tibetan sovereignty and the symbol of the Tibetan struggle.
In fact, the TGiE is first and foremost the hostage of a situation presently unfavourable to it - precarious condition of refugee, fragile tolerance of the Indian host, pressure of foreign governments, threats of China against Tibetans inside Tibet, etc. Secondly, considering the pronounced legitimism of the present Tibetan leadership, changes will not come if the Dalai Lama doesn't take the initiative. Fortunately, the Dalai Lama himself has recently called a Special Meeting to discuss new strategies. But what lacks to each other to step forward is the horizon of a concrete alternative: this should be the job of Rangzen activists. But the construction of this alternative programme - which doesn't exist at the moment - will take a necessary time of maturation, during which Rangzen activists will have to stand and to act when the TGiE will not be able to do it. They could also take advantage of this situation.
But above all, to bring political alternation and achieve a real political change in exile, Rangzen activists will have to ensure their proper political - and not only moral or historic - legitimacy, which can be started with their parliamentary representation. And so for several reasons:
Political party representation
In spite of successive reforms since its creation in 1960, the Tibetan Parliament in Exile (TPiE) persists on a strictly regional and religious system of representation. Identification is not based on political ideals, objectives or programmes, but only on traditional provinces or religious sects. Politically, the Tibetan deputy is either an individual, or the representative of his region or his religious sect, but he is never the member of a group sharing and supporting common objectives. This doesn't mean that divergence of views or conflict of interest don't exist - especially about the question of independence or autonomy - but they don't find any opportune way of expression, meaning here political way.
This is why when some Tibetan MPs resolved in September 2004 to contest a previous resolution adopted with the majority support - about the possibility to review the Middle Way policy - they did it under the cover of their regional groups. Two regional associations (Domed and Utsang) resolved to resign from the assembly if the resolution was not withdrawn. This in political terms has no signification and incorrectly presumes the individual stand of the other deputies of these regions.
The Tibetan Parliament functions with no political party system. Although the Tibetan Charter in Exile doesn't proscribe this kind of representation, it simply doesn't deal with political party - what Tibetans often basically answer as a natural fact, without questioning this constitutional blank. At best, they refer to the Guidelines for Future Tibet by the Dalai Lama, who advocates multiparty system. But this perspective is immediately restricted to a future "free" Tibet - a distant future as unfathomable as uncertain. And so it postpones the responsibilities of today to tomorrow. Moreover, this vision could function only in an independent and sovereign Tibet - free to decide its proper way of governance - but it would be contradicted by the Chinese constitutional framework to which it doesn't refer by the way. But more significant is the top down democratic initiatives and progression, only due to the goodwill of the Dalai Lama who still confronts the many resistance: a new initiative which the Tibetans seem to find hard to take themselves, or at least just to anticipate and implement.
So, in exile, the successive reforms of the constitution brought the right to vote, the separation of powers, the election of Parliament Members and Prime Minister through direct suffrage. But having democratic institutions is not sufficient to establish a democracy if there remains a lack of any party expression relative to political ideals or objectives, to begin with the underlying - but non formalised - opposition between Rangzen and autonomy. Democracy would be an empty word if it could not allow political discussions and if it would be impossible to know who represents who or who represents what. And there is no question here of region or religious sect, but only of political ideals, programmes or objectives carried by parties sharing a common stand.
More fundamentally the question is about the mode of parliamentary representation and about the process of decision. The role and the vocation of a political party are to participate in governance and to the decision-making process - including the role of opposition. Thus to invest all the areas of decision, especially in the parliament where the policy of the exile government is voted. But till now the Tibetan Parliament in Exile and the Tibetan Charter don't include this kind of political representation - although political parties are not proscribed and could function within the present structure. To be clear, this is not a question of presumed democratic model, but a question of political legibility and efficiency.
For the moment, it appears that Rangzen and political party system create a kind of unrest and even of taboo among Tibetan parliament and community. Both issues stigmatize a feeling of direct conflict or confrontation with the Dalai Lama and his Middle Way approach: an incorrect prejudice harmful not only to Rangzen but to the whole Tibetan struggle. Fundamentally democracy is based on difference of views, and opposition is a fundamental principle. Democracy is the only solution to leave the present political stalemate in exile, and the Dalai Lama himself did his best to bring democracy to the Tibetan community in exile. As Tenzin Tsundue says in "Mangtso: Our Democratic Vision" (2004): "Although we received our democracy as a blessing (from the Dalai Lama), we must endeavour to make it work. And we have been most unwilling to do just that; take up democratic responsibilities".
Presently, the thought process within the Tibetan parliament and community seem unprepared or not ready for political party representation. However one step at least could be realised. During the last legislative elections in March 2006, new deputies were elected and most of them, as well as former ones, are very close to Rangzen. So if political party representation may be premature for the moment, one stage exists: a parliamentary group. Then it remains with all these deputies close to Rangzen to gather - even on the sidelines of the parliament - and to form a Rangzen parliamentary group. Because ensuring the political representation of Rangzen is primordial, and representing Rangzen at the Tibetan Parliament - the ultimate decision-making body and the symbol of the Tibetan democracy - is an absolute necessity.
Rangzen parliamentary group
Except for the fact that a parliamentary group would be opportune to ensure the political representation of Rangzen - in default of a system of political party representation - it also presents some strategic advantages:
For the moment, Rangzen activists put pressure on their government in exile to change their present policy. But clearly, it would be too dangerous for the Tibetan parliament or government to become suddenly pro-independent, and it would be also premature in absence of a clear alternative strategy. However, without lowering the Rangzen cause and its highly moral signification, pragmatism and strategy are useful. Middle Way approach is not so bad for Rangzen cause. It is even the best protection for Rangzen to grow and to unify and structure its movement. As Middle Way approach is in the interest of China, it is also in the immediate and present interest of foreign nations. These will not harm a Tibetan leadership which acts presently in their own interest, and the evidence is that they desperately support "dialogue with China" and consequently Middle Way policy through its present formulation - with no political results of course. But that is not the question.
During the time of maturation of the Rangzen movement and of its political representation, Middle Way approach should remain the government policy, even on the basis of autonomy, until political alternation and Rangzen alternative strategy are ready. This time would be also useful for Rangzen activists to gain political and international support.
It doesn't mean that Rangzen activists should stop requesting their government to change their policy. Of course they should continue, but by keeping in mind the risks of a brutal change of policy. Even it remains extremely important, as Jamyang Norbu wrote in "Looking Back from Nangpa-la" (2007), to "take the Dalai Lama back". He is the keystone of the Tibetan struggle, but he is at the same time the problem and the solution - the "Dilemma" that Rangzen activists as often but respectfully speak of. The fact remains that, in absence of an alternative strategy, the present position of the Dalai Lama is the "only solution". He has no more latitude of maneuvering. And the job of Rangzen activists is to build the bridge over the precipice to "take him back".
However, in the present circumstances, "unity" may be a "trap". Of course Tibetan people are all united in their aspiration to end the Tibetan suffering and to live in freedom. This is a common and indisputable goal. But "freedom" does not have the same political signification. The Tibetan opinion is not uniform and, if a consensus seems to exist on the basis of the Middle Way policy, it is in a delicate way. As Tenzing Sonam writes in "Until the Last Tibetan" (2007): "We (can) no longer pretend that this contradiction between our loyalty to the Dalai Lama and our instinctive belief in Tibet's independence (does) not exist". Except this "morass of conflicting goals and loyalties besetting the Tibet movement", it has also many political consequences, not only by creating confusion, but also by giving opportunities to foreign governments or Chinese leadership to neutralise the Tibetan struggle. Then political unity with different and even opposite political goals is impossible and also counterproductive. As the French Rangzen activist, Francois Corona, often says: "We rather need a clever political plurality than a sham unity as claimed by some". The hope of unification of the whole Tibetan movement - including the parliament and the government - on the basis of Rangzen would be delicate for the moment and more certainly premature. The differentiation of two sides acting for their respective objectives is momentarily preferable, as well as the Middle Way approach as present policy of the Tibetan government to prevent any kind of retaliatory measures from foreign governments. In this framework, a Rangzen parliamentary group would be the best way to bring political alternation - and even convergence - and achieve a change of policy with less risks. It is of course necessary to review the policy of TGiE, as well as to restore the complete unity of Tibetan struggle on the basis of truth and justice: Rangzen. But we have to do so step by step.
First steps for a progressive policy review
So, in the present situation, reviewing the present Tibetan policy remains more than ever essential. At least, it requires some "minor" but substantive changes. For example, the TGiE could keep autonomy as a political proposal, but without giving up independence until the Chinese leadership agrees to negociate the status of Tibet. Secondly, the TGiE should stop with just looking for bilateral and informal talks with China. Now, time has come to work for a formal process of negotiations, with the support of a third country part ready to host and sponsor such meetings. The Tibetan side needs also to get a status for itself in the framework of this negotiation process. For this, one can get lessons from the Palestinian issue. Yasser Arafat was recognised as a "valid negotiator" and PLO became the "Palestinian authority". As well, the Dalai Lama could be recognised as "valid negociator" and the TGiE, in default of an official recognition as government in exile, could become something like "Tibetan authority".
But time has come also to seek an international recognition of the Tibetan Government in Exile. Till now, because of the informal talk process with China, the TGiE refused any such recognition. Now, Tibetan leadership should not only accept it but manage to seek and to achieve it. There are opportunities for this. For example, the European Parliament adopted a resolution in July 2000. By this resolution, EP called on governments of the Member States "to give serious consideration to the possibility of recognising the Tibetan Government in Exile as the legitimate representative of the Tibetan people if, within three years, the Beijing authorities and the Tibetan Government in Exile have not, through negotiations under the aegis of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, signed an agreement on a new status for Tibet". Till now the so-called "renewed dialogue" with Beijing since 2002 and the present Tibetan policy have only helped China to wriggle out of EP ultimatum. But if the three years deadline has now passed for a long time, at the grassroots, EP engagements remain as well as the obligation to implement this resolution that is still and more than ever justified by the lack of any China-Tibet agreement.
In the medium term, the major review of the Tibetan policy should be to rethink the Middle Way approach on the basis of Rangzen, as suggested in the first chapter. But it supposes that Rangzen activists have first worked and advanced on this alternative proposal, and that they are ready to ensure political alternation. Because it is not the present Tibetan leadership that will bring a pro-independent policy. This is the duty of Rangzen elected people to implement themselves their programme: they can't wait for someone else to do their proper job. This is why the political and parliamentary representation of Rangzen is so important. Thus a major review of the Tibetan policy will depend on the maturity of the Rangzen movement to initiate and to implement such change.
Special Meeting agenda
All this could and should be discussed during the Special Meeting. "Minor" changes, as suggested above, could be easily decided without any traumatic "revolution". Then, technically, the formation of a Rangzen parliamentary group could be planned as soon as possible - since there are several Tibetan deputies close to Rangzen. Furthermore, a Rangzen political party could emerge - why not a revitalised NDPT (National Democratic Party of Tibet) - and campaign in view of the next Tibetan legislative elections, in 2011. Discussions on a major review of the Middle Way policy could be immediately opened with including a possible combination with Rangzen. But any decisions on this crucial question may be premature at the moment. Because a such "revolution" needs to be further discussed and to be accepted by all parties. Its supposes also a solid Rangzen support movement ready to bring political alternance, which doesn't exist at the moment and has to emerge.
Of course, as always, Chinese may repeat their accusation about a "hidden agenda". But this is not new and it started at the very time when the Dalai Lama introduced his Five-Peace Plan. And there is no more "hidden agenda" today. Tibetan people are just looking for possible solutions in a situation unfavourable to them. They should not care too much about any Chinese accusations as these will always exist in any circumstances.
During the discussions, unity should not become an obsession or even an obstacle to explore new strategies. As mentionned before, unity of the Tibetan people already exists as a common aspiration to freedom and the Dalai Lama is the indisputable symbol and protector of it. No one should be afraid about democracy and pluralism that allow and formalize differences of views. As far as the national unity is preserved, the differentiation of strategies may be in the interest of the whole struggle, especially when opposite objectives - like independence and autonomy, each as legitimate as the other - cannot be mingled against nature without creating confusion, frustration and division. An artificial and forced consensus would be counterproductive at a moment when Tibetans have to make choices. As well, one should take care not to make any abusive equation "Middle Way = autonomy" that unjustly implies an opposition or an incompatibility between Rangzen and Middle Way approach.
To finish, it remains to say that Rangzen is not the threat of division and of conflict within the Tibetan community and their supporters. Rangzen is the promise of reconciliation and a door to exit out of present political crisis. Rangzen is also a very inspiring promise: to become sooner or later a reality. Democratisation in exile, diplomatic policy, activist strategies, international support and Rangzen are highly connected and very close to each other. And today, the time is to connect these. Yes, Rangzen is possible, but without getting ahead of schedule: step by step.
Dharamsala, 17 novembre 2008 - Iniziata a Dharamsala l'Assemblea dei Tibetani in esilio
Associazione Italia Tibet
È iniziata oggi a Dharamsala l’assemblea straordinaria dei tibetani in esilio chiamati a discutere ed esprimersi sul futuro corso della politica tibetana alla luce dell’assenza di risultati concreti dopo otto tornate di incontri con la dirigenza di Pechino. Partecipano alla riunione, la più importante come numero di presenze tenuta dagli esiliati dal 1959, tutti i maggiori leader di governo e parlamentari tibetani e 581 rappresentanti della diaspora provenienti da tutto il mondo.
Il Presidente del Parlamento Tibetano in Esilio, Karma Chophel, ha fatto sapere che sono stati inoltre raccolti i pareri di oltre 17.000 tibetani in Tibet e che i lori punti di vista, raccolti in un documento preparato dal Kashag, saranno presentati e discussi nel corso dell’assemblea. Ottomila tibetani residenti in Tibet avrebbero dichiarato di rimettere ogni decisione al Dalai Lama, oltre cinquemila si sarebbero dichiarati favorevoli alla completa indipendenza e circa tremila si sarebbero espressi a favore della politica della Via di Mezzo.
La prima giornata dei lavori dell’assemblea si è aperta con l’intervento del Primo Ministro Samdhong Rinpoche che, dopo aver elencato le numerose speculazioni e fraintendimenti che hanno accompagnato la decisione del governo di indire la riunione, ha dichiarato che la sua amministrazione “non ha alcuna agenda o piano nascosto”. Ha tuttavia affermato che, essendo ogni mutamento di indirizzo politico frutto di un processo democratico con il mandato del popolo tibetano, il meeting non sancirà alcun cambiamento della politica del governo ma è chiamato a “trovare una soluzione al problema del Tibet” alla luce “della gravità della situazione esistente all’interno del paese e delle indicibili sofferenze patite dai tibetani all’interno del Tibet a partire dallo scorso mese di marzo”. “Dovremmo poter comprendere i punti di vista e le aspirazioni della gente circa le migliori strategie da adottare per il futuro a beneficio della causa tibetana”, ha dichiarato Samdhong Rinpoche.
Il presidente del Parlamento in Esilio, Karma Chophel, nel commentare la decisione del Governo di non influenzare lo svolgimento del meeting ha così dichiarato: “Il Governo non vuole che i reali sentimenti e le opinioni che il popolo tibetano formulerà nel corso dell’assemblea subiscano alcuna influenza; per la stessa ragione, anche il Dalai Lama ha deciso di non essere presente”.
Questo, in lingua inglese, il testo completo dell’intervento del Primo Ministro tibetano:
Honorable Speaker and Deputy Speaker,
The Kashag extends warm greetings to all the participants who have come to this Special Meeting, as well as members of the press.
At the outset, the Kashag on behalf of all the Tibetans would like to pay our sincere reverence to His Holiness the Dalai Lama and express our gratitude for convening this first Special Meeting, after giving due consideration to number of things. The Kashag would also like to thank all the participants, who represent various sections of exile Tibetans, for making it convenient to attend this meeting. And more importantly, many Tibetans from Tibet have sent in their opinions for this Special Meeting for which the Kashag expresses its heartfelt gratitude.
The Kashag appreciates the opportunity for making this statement.
We need not further explain the seriousness of the situations in Tibet and the unspeakable sufferings of Tibetans in Tibet since March this year. Everyone is aware of the various challenges and obstacles before the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) in its effort to find solution to the issue of Tibet. Under such critical stage, it is inevitable that we must contribute and come together to closely discuss about the views of the Tibetan masses on what future action needs to be taken on Tibet. Therefore to convene this meeting today is very timely and is the need of the hour. We believe this meeting will be considered an important event in our history. For such important event as this meeting, there have been many speculations and misconceptions. I will not try to clarify all of them. But I will clarify a few, which were told to me in person or through letters.
Some people say this Special Meeting is a political strategy and tactic to pressure the PRC before the eighth round of talks to extract some results. Some says this Meeting is convened so that the Central Tibetan Administration to shirk the responsibility of the failed talks or pass the blame to others. It is also said that this meeting is called because the Central Tibetan Administration had decided to change its current policy, or at least, one mentions that the CTA hopes that this meeting could bring about a change in the CTA's current stance. And some says the CTA had convened this meeting to seek popular backing from Tibetan people for its current policy, and because of this reason, many of the participants at the meeting are CTA officials or those who are under the CTA's influence. Those who made such speculations are not aware of real facts. I think they are oblivious to the decision of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in convening this Special Meeting in accordance with democratic norms. Under the leadership of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the CTA has always followed the principle of truth and has always remained transparent in all our dealings, without indulging in any double standards. The CTA has never adopted the policy of pressurizing others, nor will we do so in the future. We have briefed the media, the Parliament-in-Exile and the Tibetan public on the unsatisfactory outcome of the talks whenever necessary. We have been very transparent about the process and status of the talks and take full responsibility for the outcome, or lack thereof. Therefore, we don't have to look for somebody else to blame. Regarding the question of changing the basic policy, this will be decided by the Tibetan people based on their collective aspiration. It is not the case of the CTA coming to decision, beforehand, and then later going to the people for consultation. This has not happened in the past and the CTA will never think of doing something like this in the future. A change in policy need not come from this meeting. The Parliament-in-Exile, through a unanimous resolution adopted on 18 September 1997, offered His Holiness the Dalai Lama full mandate to decide on the policy and direction of the Tibetan struggle, from time to time, keeping the global trend and other factors into consideration. Therefore if a change in basic policy is considered necessary, there is a way that is democratic and which has the mandate of Tibetan people. Likewise, the present policy has public mandate and therefore there is no reason to seek further public support for it. The participants for this meeting are constituted through a resolution of the parliament and the Administration has no comments on this. Customarily in the past annual meetings, the CTA officials were included. Other than that, there is no plan to overwhelm this conference with the position of the CTA. In fact, the Kashag has clearly instructed the CTA officials attending this meeting to freely raise their concerns and express their views, irrespective of the CTA's standpoint and policy. As such this meeting is an opportunity for the Kalons to listen rather than voice its thoughts. The Kalons requested that they be excused from attending the group discussions. However, permission was not granted and the Kalons will join the group discussions but will not speak out the Kashag's view and its policies at the group discussions. Based on these reasons, we would like to say that all the speculations mentioned above are not true.
Also few good-intentioned people have pointed out that today, the beginning of this Special Meeting, is an ominous day according to Tibetan calendar and that we should have been little more careful about finding the suitability of the day by consulting our own system of astrology. There are, however, remedies to reduce or reverse any adverse effects, especially when, on certain occasions, you need to perform important tasks within stipulated timeframe, with no time to find out whether a particular day is auspicious or not. Today is not particularly a bad and ominous day, except that you should avoid work related to water and to keep livestock indoor. Other than that, today is pretty good day with no obstacles as such. Nonetheless, the Tibetan Parliament has taken all corrective measures.
The reasons why this Special Meeting was called are as follows. Since March this year, in most parts of Tibet, Tibetans, irrespective of whether they were young or old, monks, nuns or lay people, male or female, spontaneously and courageously came together to demonstrate, with full knowledge of imminent dangers to their lives, expressing their anguish and dissatisfaction at the oppressive and brutal ultra-leftist policies of the PRC and to protest the total lack of freedom of speech and thought. This resentment has been building up for the last sixty years. However the peaceful and lawful manner in which the Tibetans demonstrated their long pent-up sentiments were crushed with brute force and merciless killings, torture, detentions and injury. Under such dire circumstances, Tibetans in Tibet pinned all their hopes on fellow Tibetans in the free world. It is needless for us to mention that, at such times, we cannot be insensitive to their cries. We must show solidarity with our brethrens and we must do whatever in our means to improve their situation. In this regard, His Holiness the Dalai Lama has made tremendous efforts in this direction, including appealing to important world leaders and the international community, and specifically appealing to Tibetans, Chinese, and Chinese Buddhists. His Holiness the Dalai Lama has also written directly to President Hu Jintao and has send his envoys for an informal meeting in Shenzhen on 4 May and for the seventh round of talks in Beijing in July. However it is difficult to conclude if such tremendous efforts by His Holiness have brought any positive results. But the PRC's repression and hardline policies towards Tibet and Tibetans have worsened and there is no sign of positive change. During the eighth round of talks in Beijing on 4th and 5th of this month, our act of submitting a memorandum about implementation of national regional autonomy provisions for all the Tibetans to enjoy autonomous status in accordance with law for national regional autonomy as enshrined in the constitution of People's Republic of China was considered a 'splittist' act. We were accused of seeking independence in disguise. There was no positive response. Now the time has come for all the Tibetans to discuss their concerns and share opinions.
Generally, the members of parliament represent the masses and it is well known practice that any policy that has been passed in the parliament by resolution is assumed to have the mandate of the people, unless it is revised or changed by the parliament itself. This is most appropriate for a free country but this is not so for the exile Tibetan community. In a democratic country with a multi-party political system, the party with majority forms the government and it will use all its influence to safeguard the party's interests. But we are a party-less democratic system in which the members of Parliament are elected from different religious schools and traditions and from Tibet's traditional region rather than being elected from a specified constituency and representing people of that constituency. As a result, our Parliament members have limited contacts with the general public on a daily basis. For this reason, we have in our charter, unlike other democratic countries, a provision to call Special Meetings at times of emergency and for matters of great importance on which the general public opinion is needed.
The process of directly voting for the post of Kalon Tripa by Tibetan exiles is not so old. While voting for the Kalon Tripa, one should vote for his political stand and policy rather than voting for the candidate as a person. I have been told that it is a sign of failure on the part of an elected leader if he, enjoying the mandate of the people, consults the general public from time to time, instead of leading and giving political guidance to the people during his tenure. As mentioned above, our situation is not only urgent and pressing which cannot be compared with situation of other free countries, but also, under occupied situation, many day-to-day changes might possibly take place. So consulting the general public for their support on matter of special importance is exercising key democratic feature which should be followed not only by us but other elected leadership as well. For these reasons, this Special Meeting is not out of place with our charter and it conforms to the democratic process.
At this Meeting, by taking into account the urgent situation in Tibet, the current world situation and the behavior of the PRC's leadership, we should able to understand the views and aspiration of the common Tibetans on what would be the best course of future actions beneficial to the Tibetan cause. The Kashag appeals to all the participants to use their intelligence and come together to contribute to an open and frank discussion. This meeting should not turn into a debate between political organizations and rigid political ideologies. And this must be stressed that the CTA has no hidden agenda and plan behind this Meeting. The Kashag will not make a statement about the works and programmes of the CTA thus far. The Kashag will neither say a single word about what is right or wrong on the agendas of this meeting. We do this because it may be viewed as influencing the views of participants. The Kashag has full faith in the wisdom of the public.
The statistic of opinions gathered from Tibetans in Tibet, concerning this Special Meeting, has been submitted to the Honorable Speakers.
The main objectives of this Special Meetings are;
1. To have open and frank discussion on the issue of Tibet by the general Tibetan masses at this critical point in time.
2. To invite views and comments on the CTA's policies and strategies that are being expressed in media and on forums, and specially to provide official platform to receive the critical views and opinions regarding the CTA's policies.
3. Whatever stand may be decided for the future of Tibet, it should have clear mandate of the people. The united efforts of Tibetans should be visible on the international stage.
Lastly, our prayers for the long life of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and may His wishes be fulfilled. May the truth prevail on the issue of Tibet.
The Kashag - 17 November 2008
Dharamsala, 17-22 novembre. Un incontro speciale dei leader tibetani per ripensare il rapporto con Pechino
Asianews, di Nirmala Carvalho
Il Dalai Lama ha preso atto che Pechino non vuole concedere nulla e usa “il dialogo” solo per rinnovare false accuse di violenza. Ora i tibetani cercheranno nuove forme di confronto non violento. Intervista a uno dei leader.
La nuova situazione in Tibet dopo le proteste e la repressione di marzo, la linea di azione verso Pechino, forse addirittura la ricerca di una leadership “politica” diversa dal Dalai Lama. Tsering Choedup, coordinatore per l’Asia del Sud di International Tibet Support Network, parla ad AsiaNews dell’incontro fissato a Dharamsala dal 17 al 22 novembre, tra centinaia di leader tibetani e il governo e il parlamento in esilio, che ritiene “fondamentale” per il destino della tormentata regione.
Osserva che “per molto tempo il Dalai Lama ha cercato, con sincerità, una via di mediazione nel rapporto con la Cina, ma non ha ricevuto alcuna risposta positiva da Pechino. Ora questo incontro straordinario, fissato ai sensi dell’articolo 59 della nostra Carta, riunirà i nostri leader, intellettuali, gruppi privati scelti dal parlamento tibetano in esilio”.
C’è una generale sfiducia nel colloquio pacifico sempre cercato dal Dalai Lama. “Dopo la protesta di marzo – osserva – Pechino ha falsamente accusato il Dalai Lama di fomentare sommosse e proteste. In seguito i colloqui tra inviati cinesi e del Dalai Lama non hanno portato a risultati utili”. “Ora cercheremo la migliore strategia futura. Di certo, sarà comunque una via non violenta”.
“Il Dalai Lama ha rinunciato a chiedere l’indipendenza, domandando solo una maggiore autonomia per conservare la cultura buddista del Tibet. Ma i cinesi, nei recenti incontri, invece che cercare una soluzione, hanno rivolto parole al vetriolo contro il Dalai Lama e hanno rinnovato le false accuse di avere istigato le proteste di marzo”.
“Con questo incontro speciale il Dalai Lama vuole anche ribadire alla comunità internazionale che noi cerchiamo una soluzione tramite il dialogo, ma che non ci sono stati esiti positivi. Per cui, forse, ci può essere un’altra via – sempre non violenta - per risolvere la questione tibetana”.
Dharamsala, 17-22 novembre 2008 - Sei giorni per il Tibet
L'Espresso
Una riunione speciale per discutere del futuro del Tibet. Da oggi, per un’intera settimana, i leader tibetani di tutto il mondo, rispondendo all’appello del Dalai Lama, confluiranno a Dharamsala, India, sede del governo tibetano in esilio. Riuniti per sei giorni nel Tibetan Children’s Village (da dove Tibetonline.tv promette di trasmettere le cerimonie), cercheranno di individuare una strategia nuova per la questione tibetana.
E di ricomporre le divisioni interne che le proteste del marzo scorso hanno accentuato: tra i sostenitori della tradizionale linea del dialogo del Dalai Lama e chi è da tempo alla ricerca di vie diverse. «La riunione speciale è indetta allo scopo di capire le opinioni e punti di vista reali del popolo tibetano in un confronto libero e franco», ha scritto il XIV Dalai Lama. Senza pregiudizi. La strada è aperta.
Pico Iyer, reporter del Time con familiarità antica col Dalai Lama (amico di suo padre) se l’era chiesto: la popolarità, l’essere un’icona globale dei giovani, degli artisti, degli intellettuali di tutto il mondo, fa bene o male alla causa tibetana? I nodi strategici, prima o poi, verranno al pettine, aveva previsto in questo affascinante ritratto uscito qualche mese fa (”La strada aperta”, Neri Pozza editore).
Ora che anche il Dalai Lama ha riconosciuto l’insuccesso della linea più moderata, l’occasione sembra davvero tra le più preziose.
Dharamsala, 17-22 november - Special Meeting
From November 17-22nd an historic meeting, called for by His Holiness the Dalai Lama, will take place in Dharamsala, India. Several hundred Tibetans will attend to discuss the future of the movement. On the subject of this meeting His Holiness recently said:
"The Tibetan people should take collective initiative and take an interest based on the kind of long-term strategies that we should employ to resolve our struggle."
For more information, please contact: Lamsang - 9882133302 (Tibetan), Kyizom - 9816582633 (Tibetan), Sonali - 9816273240 (English)
Dharamshala, 17 novembre 2008 - Dalai lama apre il meeting, voce alle opinioni dei Tibetani
ASCA-AFP
Il Dalai Lama ha inaugurato un meeting di una settimana nel nord dell'India che potrebbe dare il via ad un approccio piu' radicale alla lunga lotta contro il dominio cinese in Tibet.
L'incontro dovrebbe ''dare voce alle reali opinioni del popolo tibetano attraverso discussioni libere'', ha detto il leader spirituale.
Tsewang Rigzin, presidente del Tibetan Youth Congress e delegato del meeting, si augura che la causa in favore dell'indipendenza del Tibet esca rafforzata da questa settimana di dialogo visto che il Dalai Lama ha fatto tutto il possibile per il suo scopo senza pero' vedere progressi.
Il leader non partecipera' alle discussioni e all'inizio del mese aveva gia' dichiarato che il suo ''percorso di mediazione ha perso di efficacia. L'unica alternativa possibile per smuovere la situazione in Tibet e' chiedere direttamente al popolo come e' meglio procedere''.
Dharamsala, 16 novembre 2008 - Tibet, domani al via a Dharmsala assemblea degli esuli tibetani per discutere sulla radicalizzazione della lotta per indipendenza
Apcom
Si apre domani a Dharamsala, nel nord dell'India, la più imponente riunione degli esuli tibetani in 60 anni per discutere di un'eventuale radicalizzazione della lotta sullo statuto del Tibet, dopo il fallimento dei negoziati con la Cina.
Il Dalai Lama ha organizzato il meeting nella sede del governo tibetano in esilio per determinare la futura direzione del suo movimento, nel tentativo di sottrarre le istituzioni del piccolo territorio tibetano da cinquant'anni di controllo cinese.
Da domani e fino al 22 novembre al centro dell'assemblea dei delegati tibetani ci saranno da una parte il progetto di indipendenza del Tibet e dall'altra il piano per una semplice autonomia. Ma l'assemblea di Dharamsala non "ha potere formale di cambiare la politica", ha spiegato martedì scorso a Roma, Chime Youndung il presidente del partito democratico nazionale del Tibet, "tutte le proposte che verrano fuori da questa quattro giorni saranno discusse dal Parlamento che è l'unico organo che ha il potere di prendere decisioni sulle nuova linea politica da adottare".
Da Pechino intanto è arrivata la condanna per l'incontro di domani, sostenendo che i partecipanti non rappresentano le idee della maggioranza del popolo tibetano. Il portavoce del ministero degli Esteri di Pechino, Qin Gang, ha detto che il meeting ha come unico scopo quello di ottenere la definitiva indipendenza del Tibet dalla Cina: "Il governo cinese è assolutamente contrario a qualsiasi attività internazionale volta alla divisione della Cina". Pechino si aspetta inoltre che il governo indiano onori la sua premessa di non consentire attività "volte a dividere il territorio cinese".
L'ultimo round di negoziati tra Pechino e i rappresentanti del leader spirituale tibetano si è concluso senza risultati, con il governo cinese che ha accusato la controparte tibetana di complotto per procedere a una pulizia etnica e di voler tornare a un governo feudale.
Bruxelles, 14 novembre 2008 - Dalai Lama: Parlera' Al Parlamento Europeo Il 4 Dicembre
Asca
Il Dalai Lama parlera' al Parlamento europeo il prossimo mese. Il leader spirituale e' stato invitato mesi fa a prendere parte alle discussioni in occasione dell'Anno europeo del dialogo intercultuinterculturale. La sua visita a Bruxelles e' in programma per il 4 dicembre.
Gli aggiornamenti dell'evento, in tempo reale, verranno dati da Marilia Bellaterra che sarà presente, per conto di AIT e di AREF.
Gli aggiornamenti dell'evento, in tempo reale, verranno dati da Marilia Bellaterra che sarà presente, per conto di AIT e di AREF.
(c) 2005 AREF ONLUS